03/06/2026
A Critical Study against Distorted Narratives on Historians and Historiographical Traditions of Kashmir [Prof Satish Ganjoo]
This brief study examines the rich and diverse historiographical traditions of Kashmir, aiming to reclaim the region’s historical integrity from the grip of fabricated and politically motivated narratives. Through a focused analysis of indigenous historians, classical texts and cultural memory, this study challenges deliberate distortions that seek to obscure Kashmir’s civilizational depth and syncretic identity. By situating authentic historical voices against the backdrop of revisionist agendas, this research asserts the need for intellectual vigilance and the preservation of truth in the face of narrative manipulation. It serves as both a scholarly intervention and a call to restore historical justice to a land whose past has been repeatedly misrepresented.
Kashmir boasts a rich and enduring tradition of historical writing, rooted deeply in its ancient past. This intellectual legacy was significantly shaped by the enduring presence of Buddhism in the Valley, a faith known for its profound sense of history and reflective consciousness. The Buddhist worldview left an indelible mark on the Kashmiri psyche, cultivating an awareness of time, legacy and cultural memory. Moreover, Kashmir’s historical connections with diverse non-Indian civilizations — such as the Greek, Chinese and Central Asian — each with their own traditions of chronology, further enriched the region’s historical sensibilities. The establishment of the Sultanate in Kashmir in 1320 CE, while marking a significant epoch in the region’s political and cultural evolution, also introduced a notable shift —arguably a distortion— in the epistemological foundations of its historiographical tradition. As waves of immigrants from Persia and Turkistan flowed into the Valley in the wake of this political transformation, they brought with them not only new religious and administrative paradigms but also entrenched historiographical frameworks deeply rooted in the Persian and Central Asian literary and ideological canon. These incoming traditions - characterized by court-centric narratives, theological teleologies and a strong emphasis on dynastic legitimacy, began to interweave with indigenous methods of recording the past, which had previously been shaped by local cultural memory, oral traditions, scientific approach, artistic presentation and a more pluralistic approach to historical representation. The result was not merely an encroachment of the historical record, but a fundamental reorientation of its priorities, tone and function.
This synthesis often came at the cost of historical objectivity. Under the influence of Persianate historiography —where patronage played a decisive role in shaping the contours of historical writing— the purpose of history increasingly shifted from chronicling a balanced account of the past to validating the authority and sanctity of the ruling elite. The new historiographical approach was more inclined to suppress or reinterpret narratives that did not align with the ideological and religious agendas of the Sultanate. In this process, the multiplicity of voices and the heterogeneity of pre-Sultanate historical experiences were often relegated to the margins, if not entirely effaced.
While the post-1320 period witnessed a heightened sophistication in the technical and literary aspects of history writing in Kashmir, it simultaneously marked a departure from earlier forms of historical consciousness that may have been more inclusive and less ideologically constrained. The convergence of Persian and Central Asian chronology with local traditions did not simply transform Kashmiri historiography; it recalibrated its very purpose — shifting it from a pursuit of truth and memory to an instrument of power, identity construction and political legitimation. The arrival of the Sultanate must be seen not just as a cultural infusion but also as a critical moment of historiographical rupture — one in which the past was increasingly written under the shadow of power; and, objectivity gave way to a stylized, often selective, historical narrative aligned with the imperatives of empire.
Kṣemendra, hailed as the jewel among Sanskrit poets of Kashmir, flourished between 1037 and 1066 A.D., leaving an indelible mark on the literary landscape of the region. Renowned for his prolific authorship, he is credited with composing thirty-four works, most of which have been preserved and published by the Nirnayasagara Press in Bombay. Despite his literary acclaim, his historical accuracy has come under scrutiny—Kalhaṇa, the eminent historian, notably criticized Kṣemendra’s Nṛpāvalī for a significant factual error. Bilhaṇa, who preceded Kalhaṇa in age, also contributed to Kashmir’s literary heritage with works such as Vikramāṅkadevacarita, Karna-Sundarī Mālā, and Chaurapañcāśikā. While Bilhaṇa’s strength lies in his poetic grace rather than historical precision, his lucid and elegant language vividly captures the essence of his times. His Vikramāṅkadevacarita, particularly the eighth chapter, offers a charming portrayal of Srinagar during his era, blending poetic finesse with a nostalgic glimpse into the life and adventures of King Vikrama.
Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī, composed during the pre-Muslim era in Kashmir, stands as a monumental chronicle that meticulously recounts the history of the Valley from its origins to the year 1150 A.D. Written entirely in eloquent Sanskrit verse, the work draws from a rich tapestry of traditions, legends, oral narratives and inscriptions. Rājataraṅgiṇī holds a singular place in Sanskrit literature as the only surviving text that earnestly aspires to be a true historical record. Structured into eight cantos—each referred to as a Taranga, or “wave”—the composition reflects the fluidity and depth of the historical narrative it seeks to convey. The cantos comprise the following number of verses: I – 373, II – 171, III – 530, IV – 720, V – 483, VI – 368, VII – 1732, and VIII – 3449. The Rājataraṅgiṇī's significance transcended linguistic and cultural boundaries, prompting its first translation into Persian under the enlightened patronage of Sultan Zain-ul-‘Ābidīn, who aptly titled it Bahr-ul-Asmar, or “The Sea of Tales.” Recognizing its historical value, Emperor Akbar commissioned Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni to revise and complete this translation. Later, during Emperor Jahangir’s reign, an abridged Persian version was produced by Haidar Malik Chadura, further cementing the Rājataraṅgiṇī’s legacy as a foundational text in the historiography of Kashmir.
Approximately two centuries later, Jonaraja—widely regarded as a foundational figure in Genocide Studies in Kashmir—resumed the historical narrative initiated by Kalhaṇa. His chronicle extended to the reign of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin and, following the precedent of his predecessor, was titled Rājatarangiṇī (also known as Rājāvalī). Upon Jonaraja’s death in 1459 CE, his student Śrīvara continued the work under the title Jaina-Rājatarangiṇī, covering the period from 1459 to 1486 CE.
After Śrīvara, Prajyabhaṭṭa composed the Rājāvalīpaṭaka, documenting events from 1486 to 1512 CE. However, his chronicle is significantly flawed in both topographical and chronological dimensions, thus diminishing its historical reliability. Śuka Paṇḍita, a disciple of Prajyabhaṭṭa, further extended the historiographical tradition under the familiar title Rājatarangiṇī, focusing on the period from 1517 to 1596 CE. Like his teacher, however, Śuka’s account suffers from similar deficiencies, particularly in spatial and temporal accuracy.
Among Sanskrit sources of the medieval period, Lokaprakāśa occupies a distinctive place. While not a conventional historical text, it represents a collaborative effort—likely involving scholars such as Kṣemendra—and serves as a valuable repository of social and cultural information. Although it does not meet the formal standards of historical writing, its contributions to the understanding of medieval Kashmiri society are nonetheless significant.
On the Persian side, Sayyid ʿAlī’s Raiḥat-i-Kashmīr (also referred to as Tārīkh-i-Kashmīr) is the only surviving Persian chronicle produced in Kashmir prior to the Mughal conquest in 1586 CE. Sayyid ʿAlī’s approach is more that of an annalist than a critical historian; his narrative is notably weak in both chronological structure and geographical detail. Yet, the text holds considerable value for its documentation of key religious and political developments.
Particularly noteworthy are Sayyid ʿAlī’s accounts of the missionary activities of Mir Sayyid ʿAlī and his followers; the iconoclastic policies pursued by Sultan Sikandar; the theological influence of Mir Muḥammad Ḥamdanī on the Sultan’s religious outlook; and the progressive, pluralistic policies of Zain-ul-Abidin, especially his support for the arts and crafts. The work also records the political rivalry between Muḥammad Shāh and Fateh Shāh and includes brief biographical sketches of prominent Sufi and Rishi figures of the Sultanate period.
Importantly, Sayyid ʿAlī provides an eyewitness account of Mirzā Ḥaidar Dughlāt’s rule in Kashmir, offering insights into his sectarian stance towards the Shia community and the political dynamics that precipitated his eventual downfall. Despite its shortcomings, the Tārīkh-i-Kashmīr remains an indispensable source for reconstructing late medieval Kashmiri history.
The Tarikh-I-Kashmir of an anonymous author written in 1590 A.D. is one of the earliest Persian sources. Based on the Sanskrit chronicles and some earlier non-existent Persian accounts, it is a narrative of events from ancient times to 1537-38. Though incomplete in many important details, it is a useful source for it describes those events in detail which have been omitted by the Baharistan-I- Shahi, Haider Malik’s Tarikh-I-Kashmir and other Persian chronicles.Nothing is know about the author of Baharistan-I-Shahi3 beyond the popular belief that he was a Shia and that his great grand-father, Mulla Husan-ud-Din, was an immigrant from Ghazni. The Baharistan-I-Shahi describes the history of Kashmir from the earliest times to 1615 A.D. Though the pre-lslamic period has been dismissed in a few pages, the events taking place in Kashmir from the accession of Rinchana to 1614 have been narrated fully. The historical value of the Baharistan is further enhanced by its full description of the activities of Mir Shams-ud Din Araki. No other chronicler has given so much importance to the role of the founder of the Nurbakshiya Order in Kashmir. The author also narrates in detail the events leading to the Mughal conquests of Kashmir in 1586. The work is composed in an ornamental language.
Haidar Malik’s Tarikh-I-Kashmir, written in a simple and lucid style, supplies valuable information for the period 1586 to 1621 A.D. His purpose in writing history was to preserve the memory of his own ancestors who, according to author, played an important role in shaping the course of events in Kashmir. The part played by the supernatural forces in determining the course of events; so omnipresent in Kashmiri literature, poetry and folklore; is sometimes found a determining factor in Haidar Malik’s chronicle. But occasionally the author is also concerned with historical causation.
The Tarikh-I-Kashmir by Hasan-bin-Ali Kashmiri furnishes a short account of Kashmir’s past from the earliest times to 1616 A.D. Not only are the sources of Hasan’s Tarikh and Baharistan the same, but both works seem to suffer from the same lacuna. There is a complete omission of the events taking place in the reign of the later Shah Mirs and the Chaks, though there is a casual mention of Yaqub Shah’s submission to Akbar. However, the importance of the work lies in its treatment of the history of the Sultanate period up to the end of Hasan Shah’s reign (1472-84), for which period it is very useful.
Narayan Kaul was a Kashmiri Brahman who wrote Tarikh-I-Kashmir (Muntakhabut- Tawarikh) from the earliest times to 1710 A.D. Rafi-ud-din Ahmad was a Kashmiri by birth, who completed his Nawadir-ul- Akhbar at Shahjahanbad in 1723 A.D. It contains useful information regarding the civil wars which took place after Sultan Hasan Shah’s reign. However, this work needs to be read with caution as it overemphasizes the religious factors in these wars. Waqiat-I-Kashmir (Tarikhi- Azami) by Muhammad Azam was written in 1747 A.D. The work is written in simple Persian. It describes not only the political history, but also throws light on the life and achievements of various Sayyids, Sufies, Ulema and Poets. There are useful references to the prevalence of Begar (forced labour) in Kashmir. The migration of Kashmiries to the Punjab and Delhi is referred to on account of the political disturbances and economic instability in the time of the later Mughals.
The Persian chroniclers of Kashmir, while outwardly aligned with the historiographical traditions of Hindustan and Persia, fundamentally lacked the intellectual depth and methodological rigor of their models. Their narratives betray an overreliance on stylistic mimicry rather than critical engagement. Though influenced by Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, they failed to grasp his underlying historical sensibility — his attempt to trace causality, interlink events and view history as a dynamic interplay of socio-political and moral forces. Instead, Kashmiri chroniclers reduced history to a disjointed catalog of events, often stripped of context and devoid of interpretive frameworks.
This deficiency was not merely a product of personal incapacity but stemmed from broader structural limitations. The relative isolation of Kashmir from the major intellectual centers of the Persianate world — such as Delhi, Herat or Isfahan — curtailed the diffusion of more sophisticated historiographical methods into the region. Cut off from rigorous scholarly debate and deprived of access to archival and comparative materials, these chroniclers were largely confined to local oral traditions and repetitive source material. As a result, their historical explanations tended to default to anecdotal and personal causation, reflecting a lack of systemic awareness or broader socio-political analysis.
Moreover, the chroniclers’ limited exposure to the histories of Central Asia, Persia and Hindustan further narrowed their analytical lens. Without a grasp of macrohistorical developments — such as the Turko-Mongol invasions, the consolidation of Islamic empires or the evolution of political thought in the wider Islamic world — they were ill-equipped to contextualize local events within a broader geopolitical framework. The historiography of Kashmir remained parochial, introspective and circular, with little effort made to synthesize regional history with global or even subcontinental dynamics.
In contrast to this general trend, Muhammad Azam’s Waqiat-i-Kashmir stands as a partial exception. His work demonstrates a degree of analytical reflection and a more critical approach to sources, indicating that the limitations of Kashmiri historiography were not inevitable but contingent — rooted in intellectual environment rather than inherent incapacity. Azam’s method points to what might have been possible had the region enjoyed stronger academic institutions, state patronage of learning and sustained contact with transregional currents of thought.
Religious discourse in these chronicles also reflects a unique trajectory. While the moralizing tone found in Indo-Islamic historians like Zia-ud-Din Barani or Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni is discernible, Kashmiri chroniclers largely eschewed their sectarian polemics. This relative religious moderation was not coincidental; it was shaped by Kashmir’s distinctive socio-religious fabric. For instance, the author of Baharistan-i-Shahi — believed to be a Shia — candidly criticizes Yaqub Shah’s harsh treatment of Sunnis. This ethical critique transcends sectarian loyalty and suggests a normative ideal rooted in local intercommunal realities rather than ideological orthodoxy.
The poeticized and legendary tone that pervades Persian chronicles of Kashmir further complicates their historical reliability. Yet this tendency can also be causally linked to the cultural role of memory and landscape in Kashmiri society. The mythologization of rivers, springs and mountains reflects a longstanding narrative mode in which sacred geography and collective identity are interwoven. These elements were not merely decorative but formed part of a larger cosmological vision that shaped historical consciousness itself. The chroniclers thus served not only as recorders of the past but also as custodians of a cultural imagination that fused history with myth.
Finally, the conspicuous absence of pan- Islamic historical framing in these works —especially when compared to Indo-Persian histories that begin with the rise of Islam —points to a deeper regionalist orientation. Unlike the chroniclers of the Delhi Sultanate or the Mughal Empire, Kashmiri historians did not perceive their region as an ideological extension of the Islamic world. This insularity can be causally attributed to Kashmir’s mountainous topography, limited trade networks and episodic political autonomy - all of which encouraged the development of a distinct localized historical vision. The resulting historiography, while flawed in analytic scope, is nonetheless valuable as an expression of regional historical identity untethered from the hegemonic narratives of empire.
While the biographies of saints — often written in the form of hagiographies — lack objectivity, analytical rigor, and historical causation, they nonetheless serve as important cultural texts for understanding the diffusion of Sufism and its role in the Islamization of Kashmir. These sources are frequently marked by a strong devotional tone, mythologized narratives and a selective portrayal of events that prioritize spiritual authority over empirical accuracy. The absence of critical scrutiny, chronological consistency and socio-political context limits their reliability as historical evidence. However, when approached with a critical lens, such accounts provide valuable insights into the popular imagination, religious sensibilities and the mechanisms through which Sufism embedded itself in the social fabric. Their significance lies not in their factual precision but in the ideological and cultural frameworks they reveal, necessitating a careful and contextualized interpretation by historians. The following works were produced during the Mughal period (1586-1752) in Kashmir:
1. Mulla Ali Raina Tarikh-ul Arifin (1587)
2. Baba Nasib Rishi-Nama (1631)
3. Daud Mishkati Asrar-ul-Abrar (1653)
4. Mulla bin Abdus Sahur Khewariq-us-Salakin (1698)
5. Wahab Futuhat-I-Kubraviya (1748-49)
Some non-Kashmiri chronicles also provide useful information about Kashmir. The earliest available information supplied by a Muslim regarding Kashmir is found in Al-Masudi’s Muruj-uz-Zahab (941-43). Al-Masudi describes the geography of Kashmir. There are three Central Asian histories which throw some valuable light on Kashmir. They are the Zafarname of Sharaf-ud-din Al Yazdi, completed in 1424-25; the Malfuzat-I-Timuri, attributed to Timur; and, Mirza Haidar’s Tarikh-I-Rashidi, written in 1546. There are useful references regarding Kashmir in Tarikh-I-Mubarak Shahi of Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi; Tarikh-I-Daudi of Abdullah; and, Tarikh-Khan-I-Jahani. Some indigenous historical works written by non-Kashmiries, during the period under review; and, which contain useful information regarding Kashmir, are :
1. Nizam-ud-Di : Tabaqat-I-Akbari
2. Abul Fazl : Ain-I-Akbari, Akbar-Nama
3.Hasan Beg : Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh
4. Muhammad Qasim Firishta : Tarikh-I-Firishta, Gulzar-I-Ibrahimi
5.Abdul Qadir Badauni : Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh
6. Muhammad : Sharif-an-Najafi Majalis-I-Salatin
7.Jahangir : Tuzuk-I-Jahangiri
8. Amin Ahmad Razi Haft : Iqlim
9. Mutamid Khan : Iqbal-nama Jahangiri
10.Abdul Hamid Lahori : Badshahnama
11.Muhammad Amin Qazwini : Badshahnama
12.Muhammad Saleh Khmbu : Amal-I-Sadeh
13.(unknown) : Kitab-I-Dabistan-I-Mazhab
14.Aurangzeb : Ruqaat-I-Alamgiri, Kalimat-I-Tayyibat.
The following Travel Accounts were produced by the European authors, and contain useful references to Kashmir:
1.Du Jarric, F. An Account of the Jesuit Missions to the Court of Akbar ; tr. by C.H.Payne as: Akbar and the Jesuits, Broadway Series London 1926.
2.Pelsaert, F. Remonstrantie; tr. by W.H.Moreland and P.Geyl as: Jahangir’s India, Cambridge 1923.
3.Bernier, F. Travels in Mughal Empire 1656-68, Oxford 1914.
4.Fillipo,De Filippi. The Travels of Appolit Desideri of Pistoia 1712-27, Lonodon 1937.
The Manuscripts on the history of Kashmir, available in the British Museum, London, are nine in number. According to Rieu’s Catalogue, Vol III, p. 1195, they are:
1. Rajataranki Folios 131 written in 1586 A.D.
2. Baharistan-I-Shahi Folios 180 written in 1614 A.D.
3. Tarikh-I-Kashmir Folios 224 written in 1620 A.D.by Haidar Malik Chadura
4. Tarikh-I-Kashmir Folios 125 written in 1710 A.D.by Pandit Narayan Kaul
5. Navadir-ul-Akbar Folios 131 witten in 1723 A.D.by Rafi-ud-Din Ahmad
6. Waqiat-I-Kasmir Folios 315 written in 1747 A.D.by Muhammad Azam
( Also Tarikh-I-Kashmir by Haji Muhammad Azam Peshawari is noted by Rieu in his Catalogue, Vol,III, p.1013a, III )
7. Gauhar-I-Alam folios 91 Written in 1774 A.D.
( One copy by Badi-ud-Din in 1774 A.D.and another copy by Abul Qasim Aslam Munimi in 1850 A.D )
( Wladimir Ivanow’s Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the collection of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal (No.189, p.59) calls it Gauhar-nama-I-Alam, and says that the copy in question is a history of Kashmir up to 1786 A.D. or thereafter. The work is dedicated to Shah Alam (1759-1806 A.D.) and was originally composed in 1747 A.D., but subsequently completed about 1786 A.D.It is divided into a maqadama (containing a general description of Kashmir), six tabaqas and a khatima; but the khatima is missing in the copy. )
8. Hishmat-I-Kashmir folios 20 Written in 1829 A.D.by Abdul Qadir Khan bin Wasil Ali Khan
( A copy of this manuscript is in the Curzon Collection of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, No 42,p.21)
9. Lubb-ut-Tawarikh folios 123 Written in 1845 A.D.(name of the author is not given).
Conclusion: The battle for Kashmir’s history is not merely academic — it is a struggle for truth against a tide of distortion, erasure and ideological manipulation. This study reaffirms that Kashmir’s past cannot be rewritten to serve modern political agendas without doing grave injustice to its rich intellectual and cultural legacy. The voices of Kashmir’s historians—rooted in authentic traditions, primary sources and lived experience—stand as a formidable counterforce to the fake narrative that seeks to delegitimize centuries of recorded history. As this brief study shows, reclaiming historical truth is not just an academic duty but a moral imperative. The integrity of Kashmir’s past must be defended with scholarly rigor and unflinching resolve, for in protecting history, we preserve identity, roots, heritage, legacy and meaning itself.
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NOTES:
1.Sir Mark Aurel Stein’s English Translation of Kalhana’s Rajtarangini, Vols. I and II, 1990. Rajtarangini-The Saga of the Kings of Kashmir, Translation from the original Sanskrit by Ranjit Sita Ram Pandit, 1934.
2.Dr.GMD Sufi (Kashmir, I, Lahore, 1948-49, p.xi) says that the work was written in Muhammad Shah’s reign (1530-37). But Prof. Mohibbul Hasan (Kashmir Under The Sultans, p.5n) says that it was completed in 1579 during Yusuf Shah’s reign. The latter view apperars to be correct because of the names of Sayyid Mubarak and Lohar Shah in the chronicle.
3.The author of Baharistan-I-Shahi is supposed to be Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi, a Shia writer, on account of the special exposition of Shia tenets and the exploits of Shia heroes. The work is translated from Persian to English by Dr K N Pandia.
4. Paintings of Pandit Kalhan and Pandit Jonaraja by Artist Ravi Dhar.
